The Crenshaw article discusses the structural obstacles unique to victims of abuse with an intersectional identity. For example, impoverished victims of sexual abuse are more likely to seek out a shelter due to lack of social support. Additionally, immigrant women are forced to stay in abusive relationships in order to stay in the country. Women of color who are rape victims often must divert resources to dealing with issues that have nothing to do with the rape. The LAPD refuses to release statistics on sexual assault which has removed those communities from necessary political action. Additionally, minority communities fear that pursuing political change would lock in stereotypes about crime and violence about the group they are trying to help. The article shifts focus to non-English speaking women. This group is often denied services to shelters due to the struggle to communicate. This creates additional stress for women, given they need to prove their English skills before receiving necessary care. The article concludes by stating that society needs a better understanding of intersectionality.
This reading was eye opening to the struggles of marginalized groups. One aspect that was interesting was the struggle of activists. The article explained that they must balance between pursuing political action and propagating stereotypes throughout society. One question I have about this is what would be a difference in sexual abuse legislation targeted toward minority groups versus the general public? The only reference the article makes to answer this is the statement about immigrant women wanting to prevent deportation. However, for American citizens, how would legislators target a specific group in policy? This balance that activists must achieve relies on the assumption that the average citizen is paying attention to new public policy. Additionally, backlash on activism legislation will always exist. The pragmatic benefits from policy should not be avoided due to backlash. If anything, effective legislation should reduce stereotypes in the long term by limiting the problems it sets out to achieve.
This article is very interesting and I think that you summarized it well. As for what you wrote below, I also wondered about the difference in sexual abuse legislation toward minority groups versus the general public, and I definitely agree that the article should have touched on it more. In addition the fact that activists must rely on the citizen’s attention to new public policies as they arise is a bit of a problem because many people do not pay attention to new policies which makes the job of the activist that much harder, which is why it is important to find a way to effectively grab the attention of the general public.
Intersectionality is a very important part of one’s identity. I learned about the intersection of one’s identity in the first women’s studies class that I took in college. The idea that we all hold different identities based on race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, ability, etc. cannot be separated from one another, and all of these identities uniquely shape our experiences in the world. This is such a simple idea, however, if it were one that more people understood, I believe that we as a society would be much better at addressing discrimination. I really like your summary of the Crenshaw article. I also really like the way that you thought critically about this article and asked questions when you said, “One question I have about this is what would be a difference in sexual abuse legislation targeted toward minority groups versus the general public?” As a reader, it is great to think critically about the author’s argument and pose questions that will lead to an interesting discussion. Overall, great response!
“Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of Color” describes how race, class, and social status are huge factors when it comes to violence that a lot of women go through. However, not that many people are open to acknowledging this because the public will often assume that they have a huge bias and aren’t being objective. Society does not want public support for acknowledgement that each has their own unique struggle, unfortunately some more than others; this lack of support will cause a distinction between social status which I would think is easier for others to judge people and control them. Even within racial groups, there are many types of violence that different women go through which aren’t openly discussed, which leads to more violence and thus creates a cycle. When it comes to rape and domestic violence, women of color usually do not go to the police and stay in their abusive relationship either because they are immigrants and are afraid of being deported or the relationship between the police and them is hostile. One needs to educate themselves on the relationship between intersectionality and racism in order for society to progress and for women to finally achieve political equality.
It’s interesting to see that although people know what intersectionality means, we often place two different factors independent of each other which contradicts the definition of intersectionality. One can compare the significant struggles a black man goes through compared to a white man but sometimes, they can forget that a black woman goes through those struggles and sometimes even more. We can look at the first movie we saw, “She’s Beautiful When She’s Angry” and notice that although the mainstream feminist movement has changed society, it mostly portrayed white women with only few interviews with black women. It never really showed how even though these movements that aspired to help women be on the same standing as men, black women and other women of color still had to fight sexism to even reach that point.
I like your review of the article. It is extremely sad, and I definitely agree that although the feminist movement was huge, its main force was white women. Immigration laws together with the district laws and empowering VAWA need to be done in order to start the real fight with what the women of color go through. Feelings of real safety and being truly important member of society are alien to many of them. Domestic violence towards members of society who experience hardship to speak up, cannot even be measured. Silent capitalist preference towards one group does not add hope and protection for women of color. Intersectionality that you touched upon is definitely an interesting factor to consider. It shows to me that women are still deprived of being equal to men. It reminded me of the wording in Brown decision that it might be immune that people of color feel inferior in society while white people are hard to be placed in the condition of feeling missed out and deprived. In this regard, what the non-white women are to feel? It is truly saddening that such a developed country faces with these struggles.
I think you are right when saying that society in general are not treating different social, racial and economic groups equally. Women of color and immigrant women are often found themselves in vulnerable position and difficult life situations simply because of lack of support and knowledge. It is sad that many of these women are in fear for varies reason and not getting help they need.
In Queer Lockdown, Ann Cammett argues that low-income queer folks are being profoundly affected by our system of mass incarceration, and this problem deserves the attention of activists striving to build a stronger community. In order to see this problem in the most appropriate lens, judicial system needs to adopt a more intersectional approach. If you have a vision of universal human rights but only focus on single-issue advocacy, one will miss opportunities to educate about connections between policies and social trends.
Because prison makes such good business sense, the prison population has increased to meet a business need. Commett explains that “prison industrial complex” references the fact that the sudden boom of prisoners is not a reflection of increased criminal activity, but rather due to the pursuit of economic interests that has made prison construction pivotal for the economic development of the USA.
This shows that because the American government system– thus its Justice system– is rooted in economic gains, basic human rights are being violated quite often. As we discussed last class, a citizens relationship with the government is determined by what that individual can contribute to the government. The deepest irony is that poor people and communities are targeted by policies such from the war on drugs to the unfair court practices that leave transgender people unfair death sentences. This is all to keep the money wheel spinning.
I especially liked this reading because of way the author began the piece. Starting by clearly defining intersectionality, the reader goes in with a wider frame of mind. Commett argues that with the lens of intersectionality, must prioritize the concerns of low-income queer people who have been profoundly affected by the criminal justice system. By adopting a more intersectional view, better laws can be passed and more restorative action can be taken.
Amy E Lehrman and Vesla M Weaver argue in Arresting Citizenship that many Americans come to understand the state through interaction with its actors. For black men, these interactions are most likely to be punitive and racially discriminatory, which constructs their view of government as an antagonist. Lehman and Weaver argue that black men are disenfranchised from government participation not only because of immediate and clearly intentional things such as lack of polling booths, but also because this perception of government. Specifically, black men do not participate in government because their interactions with state actors show that it is in their best interest to keep a low profile, which does not include civic participation. This is a more insidious method of disenfranchisement than for example the three fifths compromise, because it is not explicitly tied to race. Specifically, there is no way that police would say that they stop men based on their race, but most communities with negative interactions and subsequently negative views of police are black. Lehman and Weaver argue further that while the US state is said to be democratic, and therefore state actors are said to enforce democracy, most criminal justice is to the discretion of those who enforce it, and because of this becomes a vehicle for the continuation of racial inequality.
Arresting Citizenship gives insight on the effects of criminal justice on black communities beyond the legal consequences of incarceration. When black people avoid interaction with the government, their votes are not heard in things central to community and upward mobility such as education policy. The authors write that black men who do not finish high school are more likely to be incarcerated, which shows that early childhood education and criminal justice are related issue. The argument of this book puts to question whether civic participation of blacks can coexist alongside criminal justice enforcement. I think that there is more discussion on mass incarceration and civic engagement, but at the end of the day, a black man is more likely to be arrested than a white man. The next steps are to take the discussions of mass incarceration and translate them into policies, such as for better schools in black neighborhoods and stricter oversight of police. In relation to women’s rights, the authors’ argument that it is wariness of the government, not disillusionment that leads to lack of participation is not translatable. However, erasure of women’s issues and the way that women’s rights are infringed on have similarities to the disenfranchisement of blacks, in that they do not explicitly include in their agenda gender dicrimination.
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The Crenshaw article discusses the structural obstacles unique to victims of abuse with an intersectional identity. For example, impoverished victims of sexual abuse are more likely to seek out a shelter due to lack of social support. Additionally, immigrant women are forced to stay in abusive relationships in order to stay in the country. Women of color who are rape victims often must divert resources to dealing with issues that have nothing to do with the rape. The LAPD refuses to release statistics on sexual assault which has removed those communities from necessary political action. Additionally, minority communities fear that pursuing political change would lock in stereotypes about crime and violence about the group they are trying to help. The article shifts focus to non-English speaking women. This group is often denied services to shelters due to the struggle to communicate. This creates additional stress for women, given they need to prove their English skills before receiving necessary care. The article concludes by stating that society needs a better understanding of intersectionality.
This reading was eye opening to the struggles of marginalized groups. One aspect that was interesting was the struggle of activists. The article explained that they must balance between pursuing political action and propagating stereotypes throughout society. One question I have about this is what would be a difference in sexual abuse legislation targeted toward minority groups versus the general public? The only reference the article makes to answer this is the statement about immigrant women wanting to prevent deportation. However, for American citizens, how would legislators target a specific group in policy? This balance that activists must achieve relies on the assumption that the average citizen is paying attention to new public policy. Additionally, backlash on activism legislation will always exist. The pragmatic benefits from policy should not be avoided due to backlash. If anything, effective legislation should reduce stereotypes in the long term by limiting the problems it sets out to achieve.
This article is very interesting and I think that you summarized it well. As for what you wrote below, I also wondered about the difference in sexual abuse legislation toward minority groups versus the general public, and I definitely agree that the article should have touched on it more. In addition the fact that activists must rely on the citizen’s attention to new public policies as they arise is a bit of a problem because many people do not pay attention to new policies which makes the job of the activist that much harder, which is why it is important to find a way to effectively grab the attention of the general public.
Intersectionality is a very important part of one’s identity. I learned about the intersection of one’s identity in the first women’s studies class that I took in college. The idea that we all hold different identities based on race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, ability, etc. cannot be separated from one another, and all of these identities uniquely shape our experiences in the world. This is such a simple idea, however, if it were one that more people understood, I believe that we as a society would be much better at addressing discrimination. I really like your summary of the Crenshaw article. I also really like the way that you thought critically about this article and asked questions when you said, “One question I have about this is what would be a difference in sexual abuse legislation targeted toward minority groups versus the general public?” As a reader, it is great to think critically about the author’s argument and pose questions that will lead to an interesting discussion. Overall, great response!
“Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of Color” describes how race, class, and social status are huge factors when it comes to violence that a lot of women go through. However, not that many people are open to acknowledging this because the public will often assume that they have a huge bias and aren’t being objective. Society does not want public support for acknowledgement that each has their own unique struggle, unfortunately some more than others; this lack of support will cause a distinction between social status which I would think is easier for others to judge people and control them. Even within racial groups, there are many types of violence that different women go through which aren’t openly discussed, which leads to more violence and thus creates a cycle. When it comes to rape and domestic violence, women of color usually do not go to the police and stay in their abusive relationship either because they are immigrants and are afraid of being deported or the relationship between the police and them is hostile. One needs to educate themselves on the relationship between intersectionality and racism in order for society to progress and for women to finally achieve political equality.
It’s interesting to see that although people know what intersectionality means, we often place two different factors independent of each other which contradicts the definition of intersectionality. One can compare the significant struggles a black man goes through compared to a white man but sometimes, they can forget that a black woman goes through those struggles and sometimes even more. We can look at the first movie we saw, “She’s Beautiful When She’s Angry” and notice that although the mainstream feminist movement has changed society, it mostly portrayed white women with only few interviews with black women. It never really showed how even though these movements that aspired to help women be on the same standing as men, black women and other women of color still had to fight sexism to even reach that point.
I like your review of the article. It is extremely sad, and I definitely agree that although the feminist movement was huge, its main force was white women. Immigration laws together with the district laws and empowering VAWA need to be done in order to start the real fight with what the women of color go through. Feelings of real safety and being truly important member of society are alien to many of them. Domestic violence towards members of society who experience hardship to speak up, cannot even be measured. Silent capitalist preference towards one group does not add hope and protection for women of color. Intersectionality that you touched upon is definitely an interesting factor to consider. It shows to me that women are still deprived of being equal to men. It reminded me of the wording in Brown decision that it might be immune that people of color feel inferior in society while white people are hard to be placed in the condition of feeling missed out and deprived. In this regard, what the non-white women are to feel? It is truly saddening that such a developed country faces with these struggles.
I think you are right when saying that society in general are not treating different social, racial and economic groups equally. Women of color and immigrant women are often found themselves in vulnerable position and difficult life situations simply because of lack of support and knowledge. It is sad that many of these women are in fear for varies reason and not getting help they need.
In Queer Lockdown, Ann Cammett argues that low-income queer folks are being profoundly affected by our system of mass incarceration, and this problem deserves the attention of activists striving to build a stronger community. In order to see this problem in the most appropriate lens, judicial system needs to adopt a more intersectional approach. If you have a vision of universal human rights but only focus on single-issue advocacy, one will miss opportunities to educate about connections between policies and social trends.
Because prison makes such good business sense, the prison population has increased to meet a business need. Commett explains that “prison industrial complex” references the fact that the sudden boom of prisoners is not a reflection of increased criminal activity, but rather due to the pursuit of economic interests that has made prison construction pivotal for the economic development of the USA.
This shows that because the American government system– thus its Justice system– is rooted in economic gains, basic human rights are being violated quite often. As we discussed last class, a citizens relationship with the government is determined by what that individual can contribute to the government. The deepest irony is that poor people and communities are targeted by policies such from the war on drugs to the unfair court practices that leave transgender people unfair death sentences. This is all to keep the money wheel spinning.
I especially liked this reading because of way the author began the piece. Starting by clearly defining intersectionality, the reader goes in with a wider frame of mind. Commett argues that with the lens of intersectionality, must prioritize the concerns of low-income queer people who have been profoundly affected by the criminal justice system. By adopting a more intersectional view, better laws can be passed and more restorative action can be taken.
Amy E Lehrman and Vesla M Weaver argue in Arresting Citizenship that many Americans come to understand the state through interaction with its actors. For black men, these interactions are most likely to be punitive and racially discriminatory, which constructs their view of government as an antagonist. Lehman and Weaver argue that black men are disenfranchised from government participation not only because of immediate and clearly intentional things such as lack of polling booths, but also because this perception of government. Specifically, black men do not participate in government because their interactions with state actors show that it is in their best interest to keep a low profile, which does not include civic participation. This is a more insidious method of disenfranchisement than for example the three fifths compromise, because it is not explicitly tied to race. Specifically, there is no way that police would say that they stop men based on their race, but most communities with negative interactions and subsequently negative views of police are black. Lehman and Weaver argue further that while the US state is said to be democratic, and therefore state actors are said to enforce democracy, most criminal justice is to the discretion of those who enforce it, and because of this becomes a vehicle for the continuation of racial inequality.
Arresting Citizenship gives insight on the effects of criminal justice on black communities beyond the legal consequences of incarceration. When black people avoid interaction with the government, their votes are not heard in things central to community and upward mobility such as education policy. The authors write that black men who do not finish high school are more likely to be incarcerated, which shows that early childhood education and criminal justice are related issue. The argument of this book puts to question whether civic participation of blacks can coexist alongside criminal justice enforcement. I think that there is more discussion on mass incarceration and civic engagement, but at the end of the day, a black man is more likely to be arrested than a white man. The next steps are to take the discussions of mass incarceration and translate them into policies, such as for better schools in black neighborhoods and stricter oversight of police. In relation to women’s rights, the authors’ argument that it is wariness of the government, not disillusionment that leads to lack of participation is not translatable. However, erasure of women’s issues and the way that women’s rights are infringed on have similarities to the disenfranchisement of blacks, in that they do not explicitly include in their agenda gender dicrimination.